The White House is showing its true colors on Ukraine.

While imposing biting trade tariffs on 185 countries this week, the Trump administration quietly lifted travel sanctions on one of Vladimir Putin’s closest advisers so he could come to Washington for talks.

Kirill Dmitriev is the Russian president’s money man as head of the country’s sovereign wealth fund. He was making the first visit by a Russian official to the US capital since Putin’s invasion of Ukraine three years ago.

This was the latest sign that President Donald Trump dreams of a new US business relationship with Russia — even as he launches a trade war against the wealthier and more diverse economies of US allies.

But the visit was not the only tell about Trump’s position this week.

The president also laid into Zelensky, accusing him of sabotaging the latest draft of a long-delayed agreement that would give the US access to Ukraine’s rare earth minerals. This is a “deal” that no Ukrainian president could ever agree to. Its new iteration would give the US veto power over a new board that would decide how the assets are exploited. It also states that Ukraine would not benefit from any revenues until US recoups all its assistance to the war effort — a figure that Trump — vastly inflating the truth – says is north of $350 billion.

These draconian conditions show an attempt to plunder Ukraine’s resources and to force the war’s violated victim to pay a form of reparations to a third party — the United States.

All of this is unfolding as Trump’s attempt to end the war — which he once insisted he could do in 24 hours — is foundering. Two supposed breakthroughs touted by the White House, a halt to attacks on energy installations and a maritime ceasefire in the Black Sea, are stalled. And Russia’s new demands on regaining access to international banking and trade would need buy-in from America’s skeptical allies in Europe.

But US concessions keep coming. The temporary lifting of Dmitriev’s pariah status is just the latest.

“With the Trump administration, we are now in the realm of thinking about what is possible,” Dmitriev said.

US media got excited last weekend when Trump offered rare criticism of Putin, telling NBC he was “pissed off” that he’d questioned Zelensky’s legitimacy. Less notice was taken when Trump smoothed over hard feelings while telling reporters on Air Force One that he believed Putin wanted peace. “I don’t think he is going to back on his word,” he said, adding: “I’ve known him for a long time.”

But it’s becoming obvious that Trump doesn’t know Putin as well as he thinks he does. Frantic and futile administration diplomacy on Ukraine has made clear that the Russian leader is doing what Moscow always does, talking and fighting at the same time and dragging out the peace process, such as it is, to further Russia’s position on the battlefield.

“For a war to end, at least one of the parties must change their war aims,” said Hein Goemans, a professor of political science at the University of Rochester and a specialist in end-stage conflicts. “Russia hasn’t really changed its war aims,” Goemans said, following an initial reassessment when its blitzkrieg failed to take Kyiv and topple Zelensky.

Then as now, Putin wants to lock in control of captured eastern regions, to crush Ukraine’s aspirations of assimilating with the west, and to oust Zelensky and install a pro-Moscow leader. Putin’s warnings that the “root causes” of the war must be addressed is also code for a NATO pullback in Eastern Europe.

Perceptions that Putin doesn’t want to end the war anytime soon were bolstered this week when he called up another 160,000 men. And the US military’s top commander in Europe Gen. Christopher Cavoli called Russia a “chronic threat” and “growing threat, one that is willing to use military force to achieve its geopolitical goals.”

The most charitable interpretation of the White House position is that it hasn’t yet twigged about these vital dynamics in the peace talks. A darker one is that it has, doesn’t really care, and wants to embrace Putin anyway.

Prince Andrew’s links to an alleged Chinese spy were detailed in documents released Friday by British courts, which included a statement from a former close aide to the prince about the duke’s line of communication to China’s president Xi Jinping.

The 10-page statement from Dominique Hampshire in May of 2024 was part of a tranche of documents released by the courts following a request from numerous British media organizations regarding Prince Andrew’s relationship to the alleged spy, Yang Tengbo. The documents are part of Yang’s appeal of his exclusion from the UK in December, which he lost.

Yang reportedly forged a close relationship with the prince and was the co-founder of Pitch@Palace China, which expanded the duke’s Pitch@Palace initiative into China.

In a tribunal hearing in December that upheld the earlier decision to bar Yang from the UK, it was revealed that Yang was authorized to act on Prince Andrew’s behalf during business meetings with potential Chinese investors in the UK.

Former Home Secretary Suella Braverman told parliament in December she took the decision to ban Yang from the UK “because his presence posed a threat to our national security” and was “based on the advice of MI5,” the UK’s domestic security agency.

Yang has denied any wrongdoing.

Hampshire also said Yang helped Prince Andrew draft letters to Xi discussing the Eurasia Fund, something Yang had described in his written evidence to the tribunal as a way to “upgrade” the duke’s Pitch@Palace initiative “into an investment-type business, or a fund.” He was also tasked with talking to “relevant people” in China, per British press agency PA.

“The royal household, including the late queen, were fully aware of this communication – it was certainly accepted and it may be fair to say it was even encouraged – it was an open channel of communication that was useful to have,” Hampshire said in the statement.

Hampshire said he met twice with Prince Andrew and King Charles over the six months prior to giving his witness statement to discuss “what the duke can do moving forwards in a way that is acceptable to His Majesty.” Those talks included discussing the Eurasia Fund, according to PA.

Buckingham Palace said Friday that King Charles has met with Prince Andrew together with Hampshire over the past year to discuss proposals for independent funding, but Yang was never mentioned.

The relationship between the prince and Yang came about shortly after the duke’s disastrous 2019 BBC interview on his relationship with late sex offender Jeffrey Epstein, which Hampshire said led to his belief that the prince’s reputation was “irrecoverable.”

“This was a common feeling within the royal household, despite what the duke thought may happen. It was very clear internally within the royal household that we would have to look at options for the duke’s future away from royal duties,” Hampshire said in his witness statement, according to British news agency PA.

According to PA, Hampshire also said he never saw a “red flag” with Yang (who also went by the name Chris), and emphasized Yang “categorically does not have a close relationship with the duke.”

“Chris, of course, doesn’t have the duke’s telephone number or his email address and does not have the ability to talk directly to the duke on his own – ever. This is normal practice and Chris’s relationship with the duke is the same as numerous others,” he said, according to PA.

He also said Andrew “fully complied” with advice to end all contact with Yang.

Hampshire said in a separate statement on Friday that he left the royal household in 2022 and no longer provides advice to Andrew, according to PA.

A Russian missile strike on the Ukrainian president’s hometown of Kryvyi Rih on Friday killed at least 16 people, including six children, according to Ukrainian authorities. The strike also injured over 50 people.

Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelensky offered his condolences to the families of those killed and injured in his nightly address soon afterward.

“Many injured, houses damaged. The missile actually hit the area next to residential buildings – a children’s playground, ordinary streets,” Zelensky said.

Russia also targeted a power plant in Kherson with a drone on Friday, Zelensky said.

“Such strikes cannot be a coincidence – Russians know that this is an energy facility,” Zelensky said. “These types of facilities must be protected from any attacks, as per the promises Russia made to the American side.”

In a statement on Telegram, the Russian ministry of defense claimed the strike had targeted a meeting between Ukrainian and Western officers, describing it as “a high-precision strike… with a high-explosive missile on the site of a meeting with unit commanders and Western instructors in one of the restaurants in the city of Kryvyi Rih.”

“As a result of the strike, the enemy lost up to 85 servicemen and officers of foreign countries, as well as up to 20 vehicles,” the post claimed.

This is a developing story and will be updated.

The Chinese military officials in brown uniforms fan out around rows of young trees, shoveling soil into freshly dug pits. The camera pans to the most senior leaders one by one, in order of rank. But one prominent face is conspicuously absent.

The news segment, aired Wednesday night on China’s state broadcaster, features a tree-planting event in the outskirts of the capital Beijing – an annual springtime tradition for the country’s military leadership spanning more than four decades.

But Gen. He Weidong, the second-highest-ranking uniformed officer in the People’s Liberation Army, was nowhere to be seen. Nor was he named as a participant in a report by the official state news agency.

Gen. He’s absence from the high-profile event has fueled ongoing speculation that the second-ranking vice chairman of the powerful Central Military Commission (CMC) may have become the latest – and most senior – casualty in leader Xi Jinping’s purge of the military’s top ranks.

As Xi’s No.2 general, He shares a long-standing relationship with the Chinese leader, dating back decades to the early days of their careers in the coastal province of Fujian.

Rumors about an investigation against He first surfaced among the Chinese dissident community following China’s annual political meetings last month. The 67-year-old hasn’t appeared in public for three weeks since the closing ceremony of the country’s rubber-stamp legislature on March 11.

The Chinese government has offered little in the way of clearing the air.

When asked about He’s situation at a news briefing on March 27, Defense Ministry spokesperson Wu Qian said: “There is no information on this matter, and we are not aware of the situation.”

It is now unclear what has happened to He, who also sits on the Communist Party’s 24-member Politburo.

Three weeks out of the public eye is not unheard of for a top general without a public-facing role and there is always a chance he resurfaces. But his no-show at a well-choreographed annual propaganda event stands out in a political system deeply attuned to the importance of symbolism.

“Clearly the absence of one CMC vice chair is important symbolically,” said James Char, a longtime PLA expert and assistant professor at the S. Rajaratnam School of International Studies in Singapore.

Similar to the Communist Party Congresses and annual “two sessions” political gatherings, “it’s important for all the major figures that the rest of the world know of to show up to be in the same picture, because it helps to demonstrate the power and – more importantly – the unity of the party,” Char said.

Reading the “tree leaves”

In the opaque world of Chinese politics, observers have long leaned on arcane signals of Communist Party traditions and protocol to interpret what is going on behind the scenes. The discipline, known as “tea-leaf reading,” has become more relevant than ever in Xi’s era as he centralizes power into his own hands and makes the decision-making process even more obscure.

And now, some experts are scouring this week’s events for clues on the fate of one of Xi’s top generals.

The annual ritual began as part of a nationwide tree-planting campaign launched by late paramount leader Deng Xiaoping in late 1981, following devastating floods he blamed on rampant deforestation. It was billed as a patriotic, selfless undertaking in “greening the motherland, building socialism and benefiting future generations.”

The following spring, Deng, then chairman of the CMC, planted the first tree of the campaign, setting a tradition that has since been carried on by successive Chinese leaders and military top brass.

Wednesday marked “the 43th consecutive year the CMC leadership has collectively participated in the voluntary tree-planting activity in the capital,” said Xinhua, the state news agency.

Since Xi came to power in late 2012, his two vice chairmen on the CMC had led military officers to plant trees without fail every spring – until He’s rare absence on Wednesday.

The first-ranking CMC vice chairman, Gen. Zhang Youxia, attended the event, so did two other generals on the commission, Liu Zhenli and Zhang Shengmin.

The only other uniformed CMC member who did not show up was Adm. Miao Hua, who was suspended under investigation in November for “serious violations of discipline” – a common euphemism for corruption and disloyalty.

“I think He’s absence is quite telling, but again, no one can be absolutely sure,” Char said. “There’s another school of thought, which is He Weidong was involved in the last two weeks with the preparations for the military exercises around Taiwan.”

Starting from Tuesday, combined forces of the PLA’s Eastern Theater Command held surprised exercises around Taiwan for two straight days, testing capabilities to blockade the self-ruling island, simulate strikes on its ports and other critical infrastructure, and launch long-range live-fire strikes.

The commander of the Eastern Theater Command from 2019 to 2022 was He. It was during his tenure that the Eastern Theater Command staged massive military drills and fired missiles around Taiwan in August 2022, in retaliation against then US House Speaker Nancy Pelosi’s visit to Taipei.

A prolonged absence from public view does not always signal trouble for Chinese officials. Some have resurfaced and resumed their duties. It’s also not uncommon for officials to be taken in for questioning by graft busters to assist investigations into colleagues.

Last November, Defense Minister Dong Jun was reported to be under investigation for corruption by the Financial Times, citing US officials. China’s Defense Ministry dismissed the report as a “sheer fabrication.” Dong reemerged in public a week later. The minister was also seen attending Wednesday’s tree-planting event on the state broadcaster.

Military purges

After coming to power, Xi consolidated control over the world’s largest military by taking down powerful generals from rival factions and replacing them with allies and loyal proteges.

But a decade on, having structurally overhauled the People’s Liberation Army and stacked its top ranks with his own men, Xi is still knee-deep in his seemingly endless struggle against graft and disloyalty – and is increasingly turning against his own handpicked loyalists.

Since the summer of 2023, more than a dozen high-ranking figures in China’s defense establishment have been ousted in a sweeping purge that focused on the country’s nuclear force and equipment procurement, including two defense ministers promoted to the CMC by Xi.

The ongoing turmoil roiling the senior ranks of the PLA has raised questions over Xi’s ability to end systemic corruption in the military and enhance its combat readiness at a time of heightened geopolitical tensions.

“Recurring purges of the senior-most PLA leaders indicate that Xi Jinping distrusts his officer corps,” said Drew Thompson, a senior fellow at the RSIS.

“The constant removal of so many senior officers, as well as the extent of corruption running to the very top undoubtedly has an effect on the PLA’s morale, and likely also its military capabilities,” Thompson added.

But some analysts noted that by this point, the PLA may have well become accustomed to the shake-ups in its high command.

“Leadership purges in the PLA seem to have become normalized to a point that it’s just part and parcel of being the PLA,” said Collin Koh, another research fellow at RSIS.

The Chinese military may have started to grow accustomed to the purges – to a point where it is able to isolate them from its daily operational activities and go on with business as usual, Koh noted.

“It does not necessarily mean that because of the purges, the PLA has started to relent on readiness. These purges might potentially have the effect of reminding the PLA to do their work better – if anything, if you want to escape the purges, then one way to do that is to obey what the party is telling you, which is to be prepared for conflict,” he said.

A close confidant

Like Miao, He is widely believed to have forged close personal ties with Xi during their overlapping years in Fujian, where the future Chinese leader was rising through the ranks as a local official in the 1990s and early 2000s.

Both He and Miao spent most of their early career serving in the former 31st Group Army in Fujian, which became a major power base for Xi. A string of military officers hailing from the 31st Group Army have been fast-tracked for promotion since Xi took power in late 2012.

Gen. He was no exception. In 2013, he was promoted to commander of Jiangsu Military District; less than a year later, he became commander of the Shanghai Garrison. In 2016, he was promoted yet again to command ground forces of the Western Theater Command, which oversees China’s border with India.

He was promoted to full general in 2017, when he became commander of the Eastern Theater Command, responsible for leading any military invasion or blockade of Taiwan.

But the ultimate sign of Xi’s trust in He came at the 20th Party Congress in 2022, when He landed the CMC vice chairmanship – an unusually rapid rise for an official who hadn’t served on the Central Committee of the ruling Communist Party.

During that leadership reshuffle, Xi stacked the CMC with six loyalists. If confirmed to be under investigation, He would be the powerful military body’s first sitting vice chairman to be purged by Xi and the third member on the current CMC to fall from grace.

The last time a sitting CMC vice chair was purged was more than three decades ago, when then-Party General Secretary Zhao Ziyang was ousted for sympathizing with student protesters in the 1989 Tiananmen pro-democracy movement.

“What happens finally to He Weidong gives us a window into how the political system in China is being restructured further under Xi Jinping,” Char said, noting the PLA’s reform of its rigid political structure.

“I don’t think anyone in the system now is irreplaceable,” he said. “This is what a political strong man does. He’s ruthless… he’s continuously purging his own ranks to keep his generals on their toes.”